What kind of deep-down qualities and values tend to separate liberals and conservatives? New York Times columnist Thomas Edsall takes a deep dive into that question.
The Democrats’ plan may have had some parliamentary purpose but was also, apparently, intended to demonstrate that Republicans had no interest in finding out the truth.
This is sad, but, at least according to me, this where we are. I fear for the future of our system and our republic.
What is Donald Trump saying about how he views his own followers when he assumes they’ll believe the idea that Tom Steyer thinks the Democrats are going to destroy the economy?
I’m not sure blaming the media is the key to people understanding just how “crazy, depraved and saturated in malice and hate” his rallies are.
I didn’t think any of the candidates had a particularly good or bad night. Unfortunately, the media aftermath seemed to be all about whether Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren were on the outs.
“Frontline” tackles the history of U.S. politics from the rise of Barack Obama to the rise of Donald Trump to the present moment over four hours on Tuesday night.
The lay religion of America is Americanism, a key tenet of which is that America is the world’s leading “good guy,” and fights a never-ending battle for truth, justice and the American way.
It’s as inevitable as it is ridiculous. We’re about to obsess on Iowa polls, followed by Iowa caucus results, followed by a silly game called “How many tickets out of Iowa?”
After a sudden, sharp rise, built on lies and demagoguery, from backbencher to one of the most prominent political figures in America, McCarthy’s fall was even more sudden.
“None of the president’s positives can balance the moral and political danger we face under a leader of such grossly immoral character,” the editorial says.
As of Dec. 19, 43.4 percent of Americans approve of the job Donald Trump is doing as president, compared to 52.1 percent who disapprove.
Without being clear or explicit, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi implied that the House has, in a weird way, more leverage to play.
The Constitution doesn’t say what oath senators have to take (or affirm) when being sworn in as jurors in an impeachment trial, but the editors of Lawfare note that this is the only thing the senators are required to do under oath.
In their collective voice, the historians opined: “It is our considered judgment that if President Trump’s misconduct does not rise to the level of impeachment, then virtually nothing does.”
Not all of them explicitly embraced the absurd, insulting and despicable claim of a “perfect” phone call. But none of them, as far as I heard, even suggested there was anything inappropriate, improper or even unseemly about it.
Oddly, given what he said about Donald Trump before the 2016 election, Lindsey Graham is in the running for most devoted Senate admirer of the president.
The articles charge abuse of power and obstruction of Congress.
Ford argued on the floor of the House that “high crimes and misdemeanors” should be defined as “whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers them to be at a moment in history.”
Yes, there are some checks and balances across the branches, but — at least as the framers envisioned it — Congress was meant to be, by far, the dominant player.
