The two speakers at a U of M online forum agreed that it’s hard for a sitting president to make the election a referendum on his opponent in the middle of a pandemic, which the president is handling poorly, and which has led to an economic crisis.
To say the least, we’ve had the “change” that Trump represented. But he now represents the more-of-the-same choice on the ballot.
This leads me to believe that most of Joe Biden’s gains in recent months have less to do with a rising confidence in Biden than in a declining confidence in Donald Trump.
Trump argued against taking down statues of slaveholders and of military leaders who fought to break up the United States in order to preserve slavery, on the grounds that those statues are important for teaching U.S. history.
Carter says he doesn’t expect to see any of the officers involved in the killing of George Floyd spend time in prison.
The polling shows Joe Biden with very large leads in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan, the three states that Trump carried in 2016 that enabled his Electoral College victory.
It’s only June. But you wouldn’t want to be Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale when he has to explain the situation to the boss.
Emmer suggested that anyone who supported Nancy Pelosi is under suspicion.
Will Trump’s absurdly long West Point tales about the ramp walk and water drinking really energize anyone?
Check out this 538 analysis: In each of the last three presidential elections, the Cook Political Report’s list of swing states in June turned out to contain more states that didn’t end up being close in the end than states that were.
There is no such law. There is no such rule. There is not even such a “norm,” outside of Trump’s imagination.
It’s a small leap, or none at all, to argue that a president who thinks he has the power to do whatever he wants could try to cancel the next election if he thought he was in danger of losing, or postpone it until he thought his chances were better …
There are various proposals to modify the system for electing presidents, including some that would not require constitutional amendments, such as the “National Popular Vote” compact.
The so-called “objectivity” model of journalism is under tremendous pressure. It may be dying or already dead. It was always highly imperfect. But if it is abandoned, I believe it will be missed.
On a positive note, from a Trumpian viewpoint, it’s not his worst negative gap. That was late in 2017, his first year in office.
Rankin was the first woman ever elected to the U.S. Congress in her own name (not just to serve out the last portion of a dead husband’s term).
In an op-ed column, Hewitt decided to focus on a passing remark by Colin Powell that President Trump has “drifted away” from the Constitution.
If you rely on out-of-focus photos of the recent past to predict the future, Donald Trump’s chances of winning a second term as president are small and shrinking.
A Bill Moyers column seems to strengthen the similarity between Trumpisim and fascism, but also stops a few inches short of stating a final verdict on the is-Trump-a-fascist question.
In a smart essay for The Atlantic, the great James Fallows drifted into a Richard Nixon comparison, and then turned to Donald Trump.
