Mike Lindell, CEO of My Pillow, standing outside the West Wing of the White House in Washington, on January 15.
Mike Lindell, CEO of My Pillow, standing outside the West Wing of the White House in Washington, on January 15. Credit: REUTERS/Erin Scott

Dominion, the company that makes voting machines used in a number of different jurisdictions, including at least a half dozen counties in Minnesota, finally has come through with its monthlong threat to sue pillow manufacturer Mike Lindell. The owner of Chaska-based My Pillow has involuntarily joined some of his electoral conspiracy confederates, like lawyers Sidney Powell and Rudy Giuliani, as defendants in civil libel litigation brought by the voting machine maker, based on statements he has made about its ballot-counting machinery. The suit seeks $1.3 billion.

Powell, who represented pardoned prevaricator Gen. Michael Flynn, was the first to be sued, followed by Giuliani, also in a $1.3 billion-dollar lawsuit. Shortly thereafter another lower profile ballot-counting technology company, Smartmatic, followed suit, literally and figuratively, by suing the pair of lawyers and Fox News, and three of its star anchors, too, for $2.7 billion, running the claimed price tag to a nice round $4 billion, before Lindell became the latest in the civil defendants dock in federal court in the District of Columbia. He has persisted, notwithstanding the threats of a suit, in his claims of Dominion deception, including a two-hour video documentary he paid for and aired on cable television some 13 times.

The 115-page lawsuit against Lindell alleging that he committed defamation by impugning the reputation of the Denver-based software maker and engaged in a conspiracy to harm its standing claims that he harbored illicit motives, aiming to raise the profile — and revenue — of his pillow products and elevate his political profile for a possible run for governor.

Lindell welcomed the lawsuit, asserting that it was “good news” and that he was “very happy” to be sued, although he lamented that the lawsuit also snared his company as a co-defendant.

The lawsuits have been brought in the jurisdictions where the alleged lies were spouted, Washington, D.C., and New York City. Lindell, who made his accusations far and wide, could theoretically have been sued anywhere. A logical spot for any such litigation could have been here in Minnesota, where Lindell is based and many of his assertions have been propounded. But it wasn’t about to happen here.

Inhospitable issues

One reason Minnesota would not have been a favored forum for any such lawsuit against the self-proclaimed “My Pillow Guy” is because the issues in the law of libel have generally been resolved inhospitably to claimants in this state.

Under the so-called New York Times rule, a doctrine emanating from a decision of the Supreme Court in 1964 in the landmark case entitled New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, those who are considered “public officials,” elected or high placed government officials, or are “public figures,” well known personages or others who voluntarily inject themselves into high profile controversies, must prove “actual malice” in order to prevail in most defamation lawsuits. This requires proving with convincing clarity that the dissemination of the defamatory statements was perpetrated with knowing falsity or reckless disregard for the truth, a high standard compared to other defamation litigation, which generally requires proving only by a preponderance or slight balance of evidence that the defamation was uttered carelessly or negligently.

Marshall H. Tanick
[image_caption]Marshall H. Tanick[/image_caption]
To facilitate the “robust” debate over issues of public importance welcomed by the New York Times case, its elevated standard has been applied in Minnesota to cover businesses and corporations like Dominion. Thus, as the claimant in a libel lawsuit, Dominion would have to establish that Lindell actually knew that his statements were false or that he was extremely reckless in making such statements. While it might be possible to do so, it generally is difficult to satisfy that standard, especially if the party being sued can show that he or she believed their statements or, at a minimum, took some steps to verify the remarks and was not totally oblivious to contrary considerations.

Since Lindell was probably a true believer, the first prong of the New York Times standard might be hard to attain. The focus, therefore, would be on whether his behavior was so reckless as to indicate that he entertained “serious doubt” about the veracity of his remarks. It would be much easier for Dominion to prevail in another jurisdiction where the “actual malice” standard is not applied to business entities, and there are many from which to choose. That Minnesota is not one of them militated against Dominion bringing a lawsuit against the pillow maker here.

Practical problems

There are additional concerns that caution against suing Lindell in this state. A lawsuit could have been brought in either state or federal court and, if brought in the former, it could have been transferred by Lindell into federal court, where he would probably prefer to be because that tribunal tends to be more conservative, particularly in defamation litigation. Although the trial court judges in Minnesota are fairly evenly split between liberal and conservative jurists, the appellate level, the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, which oversees federal litigation in Minnesota and the six surrounding states, is conservatively imbued. All of its 11 active members are Republican appointees, except for one member, an Obama appointee, Jane Kelly. That tribunal’s inhospitality to libel claimants was reflected in the five-year litigation saga nearly a decade ago initiated by former Gov. Jesse Ventura and his $1.8 million verdict, which he obtained from a jury in St. Paul, but was overturned by the Eighth Circuit, which preceded a settlement for a presumably lesser amount.

Beyond that, if a Lindell libel lawsuit were ever to reach the U.S. Supreme Court through the state or federal judicial systems, the likelihood of him prevailing is even greater. That tribunal customarily turns down or rejects libel claimants. Thus, Dominion understandably steered clear of Minnesota as a litigation forum.

The issue of damages

While a lawsuit against Lindell is largely seemingly brought as a matter of principle to hold the alleged wrongdoer accountable, money is in play, too. But the $1.3 billion sought in the suit would have been hard to come by in Minnesota, where juries are much less likely to award large verdicts to libel claimants, compared to some other jurisdictions, particularly on the East Coast.

Minnesota’s aversion to larger jury verdicts is reflected in the state law that limits assertion of an amount of claim to “reasonable damages in an amount greater than $50,000” in initial legal pleadings, rather than the gargantuan amounts that can be claimed in some other states. The Minnesota law does not restrict claimants from recovering more than $50,000, but simply sets that as a ceiling to be inscribed in initial lawsuit papers. The restriction may be intended to reduce the “sticker shock” attendant to the commencement of litigation, although it is also reflective of a more restrained approach to the award of damages in this state compared to some other places.

There are other practical reasons in addition to diminished damages why Dominion likely refrained from suing Lindell in Minnesota. As a job creator, he may have been viewed more favorably by prospective jurors around here, compared to how those in other parts of the country might regard him. Indeed, his business is in a hiring mode these days, running full-page newspaper advertisements seeking workers, even though some of its main retail outlets have at least temporarily stopped stocking his products.

While Dominion or others may primarily be seeking vindication of reputation and deterring others from making or continuing similar aspersions against them, obtaining monetary damages may be more difficult. The claimants would have to show they have suffered financial harm because of the statements made by Lindell and ascribe what portion of that detrimental impact is attributable to Lindell’s statements, compared to the statements made by so many others. That creates a foreboding task.

For these reasons and others, it’s not surprising that Dominion chose not to sue Lindell here.

Marshall H. Tanick is a constitutional law attorney with the Twin Cities law firm of Meyer Njus Tanick.

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19 Comments

  1. Well Marshall, you make the case that the definition of fair, impartial and equal justice is pretty much a figment of our imagination. Depends on if you were appointed by a R or D, (so much for the Robert’s doctrine on no political Justice bias), what state you live in and what court you go to federal or state.

    1. Federal district courts frequently disagree on their interpretations of law. Some differences may be shaped by whether a district majority has a liberal or conservative perspectives. Making a final determination when differences are significant is a role of the Supreme Court.

  2. Hmmm… It sounds like, if I’m a “true believer,” I can make all sorts of outrageous statements without penalty, simply because I’m a “true believer.” This suggests to me that Minnesota liability law needs a substantial revision.

    1. The “true believer” standard might apply in libel claims by those deemed to be public figures (and there is a reasonable assumption that could be applied to Dominion). That would not apply to claims involving private citizens. And the basis for that standard is not “Minnesota liability law,” but a SCOTUS decision in the New York Times case. Minnesota state law only applies to a limit on the amount of a claim.

      The SCOTUS decision only sets a higher bar for a public figure’s claim of libel. Albeit more difficult, actual malice (proof of *knowingly* making a false claim) is still possible.

      The most important aspect of the NY Times decision is shielding media from claims of libel from public figures trying to save face when caught overstepping. (Think of Trump’s unsuccessful libel claims and numerous threats of libel suits.)

      1. Wait, so the law is that I can make repeated untrue and harmful claims in public and get away with if I profess to actually believe my lies, but only the victim is famous? Well, that would go a long way to explain how corporations and really rich people can talk with money, but if individual, ordinary US citizens try to divest their own money in certain causes, that’s a no-go.

  3. A biased judge can spoil a good libel or defamation case. Some years ago I experienced that problem as the plaintiff in a case handled on my behalf by an experienced and well-regarded litigator who had known the judge for years but exclaimed, “I’ve never seen him act this way before.” When I told another experienced and well-regarded senior attorney about the matter, he laughed: “He should have recused himself. He’s an old buddy of the people you’re fighting downtown.”

    Mr. Tanick, if I further identified the case, you might remember that I came to you for initial advice.

  4. Seems the only recourse for Lindell opponents is to wait till the next Board meeting and storm the Pillow HQ and shout:

    “Hang Mike Lindell”

    With a gallows set up in the parking lot.

  5. I suspect other legal experts think differently. I think the argument likely is in the face of overwhelming evidence that there was no fraud, no activity by Dominion , then ignorance or being a true believer is not a suitable defense? For instance, Dominion had no machines being used in the 2 counties in Pennsylvania (the ones representing Pittsburgh and Philadelpha) which Mr Lindell has attempted to accuse of fraud due to such machines. One would presume that not having those machines in use in those counties is a known fact (or certainly knowable). So to claim that Dominion helped alter votes in those counties is a deliberate lie and that Mr Lindell should have , and likely , knew that Dominion did not operate there. The devil is in the details.

  6. At least superficially, the case against “my pillow guy” does look pretty good. He acted recklessly, and did seem to disregard the truth. And surely the plaintiff has suffered a great deal of damage. Because it is clear that Republicans will attack any electronic counting system in elections they lose, I would oppose their use. I am against any electronic system of voting or counting system that isn’t supported by both political parties.

    Senator Newman recently argued that we should have voter ID as part of a process of “modernizing” how we conduct elections. Leaving aside the merits of voter ID, I think it is clear that Republicans in fact oppose modernizing elections in the sense of using technology in the voting process. They want to go back to manual counting and tabulation of votes. While that is a cumbersome and lengthy process, if that’s what Republicans want, I think my party should be willing to go along with it.

    1. Mr. Foster, there’s no compelling reason to drop down to the lowest common denominator just because that’s what Republicans want to do. Our machines are fine in MN, we can do manual counts and recounts if we have to, there’s no reason to roll back technology.

  7. I am not interested in fighting credibility battles over voting machines. Manual counting, if that’s what Republicans want, works just fine. I just don’t want to hear about how “modernizing” it is.

    1. And that is where a 100% paper trail solves the problem. The voter fills in the boxes, a local, unconnected to any network scanner totals up the results and at the end of the day the totaled results are conveyed to the counters, the paper ballots are secured and available for rescan or manual counting as needed.

      The coming debate on “fixing elections” will include some compromise. I would give the Rs stronger voter ID if they give more flexible ways to “cure” any votes stopped by those voter ID procedures. And a national “average time to vote” should be established and limits set: 8 hour waits may happen once, but never again: a violation like 120% of the average time triggers more polling locations, extended early voting, longer voting hours, etc…

      A National election requires uniform, national standards.

    2. So you’re good with being accused of “ballot dumps” each and every election, and waiting weeks for results? There is no indication that conservatives act in good faith with regard to anything, why would anyone ever give them the benefit of the doubt, or agree to ANY provision they support?

  8. I don’t think Dominion fits the definition, as the article describes, of a public figure: it isn’t a public official, and it’s not among “well known personages or others who voluntarily inject themselves into high profile controversies. Most people never heard of Dominion before it became the object of Republican conspiracy theory, and it hardly injected itself in to the controversy. It didn’t exactly go around looking for this fight.

    Mike Lindell is also a walking case of reckless disregard of the truth. Sixty some lawsuits couldn’t prove what he continues to maintain.

    I’m not sure the actual malice standard applies, but if it does, it surely seems met to me.

    The Eighth Circuit has a demonstrated antipathy to defamation, but I think this case is a tough one for the Pillow Guy wherever it’s venued.

  9. That Lindell and his fellow travelers find it shocking, SHOCKING, that a President who never one broke 50% on job approval could possibly lose his subsequent election is all the proof anyone need that these folks are totally divorced from any kind of reality.

    Which leads to my usual explanation:

    “Rationalization is the key to mental health”

    It has to be the voting machines…
    It has to be the poll watchers…
    It has to be the poll workers…
    It has to be corrupt judges…
    it has to be…

    And it is, an unpopular President lost fair and square and he has infected 50 million or so followers with his unique collection of mental shortcomings that make him incapable of admitting the truth.

  10. At the heart of Republican objections is the understanding shared by both Republicans and Democrats that high turnout helps Democrats and hurts Republicans. That conventional wisdom found huge support in the results of the 2020 where both parties increased turnout, but Democrats were able to increase turnout more. The result was preidictable. Republicans all over the country including Minnesota are proposing a number of measures that make voting harder knowing that reduces turnout. Such measures will be dressed up a lot. There will be lots of words about election integrity and credibility. “Modernization” as with Senator Newman will be spoken about in a warm tone of voice. But the goal will be to put up barriers to the polling place, to make voting more difficult for the voters they don’t like. You can do that more in a Republic, I guess.

  11. Will fully admit to being a bit off topic here, but as the subject of the piece is the subject of the question, here goes. Anyone here happen to be around the U of MN campus late 90’s timeframe? I’m 99% sure Lindell is the same “Brother Mike” I saw spewing hellfire and brimstone polemics alongside “Brother Jed”, whom I understand is or was a rather notorious hate monger, on the campus mall for a several week period. Same drug addict spiel, same moustache, same countenance. Unfortunately predates camera phones, but if I recall, the subject was some pretty nasty filth.

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