The Center for Rural Policy and Development, in a study on Amazon’s impact in rural communities, found the number of retail firms in rural Minnesota has declined by nearly 23 percent since 2000. Credit: REUTERS/Brendan McDermid

The most significant antimonopoly reforms offered up a couple of weeks ago by a Minnesotan did not come from Sen. Amy Klobuchar, but rather the Minnesota House.

The legislation would overhaul Minnesota’s antimonopoly laws and provide new tools for reclaiming economic power from massive corporations. During the Gilded Age, the Minnesota Legislature lead the way in taking on the railroad and grain monopolists; now policymakers have a chance to lead the fight against Big Tech and others in our new “Gilded Age.”

The effort to curb monopoly power is often viewed as one reserved for the federal government. It is true that enforcers at the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice, among others, have significant authority to reduce corporate concentration. However, the effectiveness of those agencies is highly dependent on who occupies the White House, and even more vigorous enforcement is not enough to overcome four decades of bad judicial precedent that has eroded our nation’s protections from economic concentration. We need reform and while Congress is gridlocked, our state legislators have an opportunity to play a meaningful role; and Minnesotans need them to.

Families across the state are suffering under the weight of record inflation that has caused wages to fall back to their pre-pandemic levels. Profiteering from corporate giants like 3M and Cargill is to blame as pricing power is estimated to account for as much as 70 percent of the past year’s price hikes. Consumers are not the only ones feeling the squeeze from monopoly power, Minnesota workers and small businesses are also being crushed, with Amazon offering a particularly powerful example.

The Center for Rural Policy and Development, in a study on Amazon’s impact in rural communities, found the number of retail firms in rural Minnesota has declined by nearly 23 percent since 2000. Meanwhile the fees Amazon charges many sellers on its platform have risen to 34 percent. For workers, a report from the National Employment Law Project and the Awood Center found the rate of injury at Amazon’s Shakopee warehouse was higher than any other industry in Minnesota and five times higher than the statewide rate for private-sector workers. Amazon has also dragged down monthly average wages for the entire warehousing sector – from $4,362 to $3,956 – since 2015.

It could not be clearer how important it is for policymakers to challenge monopoly power in Minnesota. Three bills from DFL Reps. Steve Elkins and Zack Stephenson would do exactly that. Collectively the legislation would update Minnesota’s antitrust laws with key definitions, create a new abuse of dominance standard that would return our antitrust laws to their original intent, and enshrine the Robinson-Patman Act into state law, a key protection for local retailers.

Currently Minnesota’s antitrust laws do not include a definition of monopoly, nor does it include any mention of monopsony, which is a buy side monopoly. HF4143 would fix that and would also increase the civil and criminal penalties for violating the state’s antitrust laws. The inclusion of monopsony will help address the rise of corporate power over labor markets. The U.S. Treasury Department recently completed an extensive analysis of the impact concentration has on workers and concluded wages are at least 20 percent lower nationwide than they would be if labor markets were more competitive.

While these definitional upgrades are impactful, the core failure of antitrust law to protect Minnesotans from monopoly power has been the courts adoption of the consumer welfare standard in recent decades. This doctrine is a warped interpretation of antitrust law that relies on a narrow focus on prices that strips away how powerful corporations harm small businesses and workers. HF4144 would reinvigorate Minnesota’s antitrust laws by creating new guidelines focused on powerful firms. The legislation would establish what constitutes a dominant firm and prohibit such companies from using their dominant power to engage in abusive and anticompetitive tactics such as creating barriers to entry or by forcing workers to accept restrictive contracts.

Justin Stofferahn
[image_caption]Justin Stofferahn[/image_caption]
Beefing up antitrust law will not be complete, however, without addressing predatory pricing. Monopsony power does not just harm workers, powerful buyers like Walmart have squeezed suppliers into offshoring production while destroying local retailers with artificially low prices. HF4142 would combat this by putting the federal Robinson-Patman Act into state law. The act, which has not been enforced in recent decades, prohibits discriminatory pricing. Strong enforcement in the 1960s helped create a vibrant and dynamic retail sector along with a strong industrial base.

With increasing inequality, stagnant wages, declines in entrepreneurship, rising inflation and the hollowing out of communities, it is clear that monopolists are eroding economic opportunity. Minnesota, for a second time, has a chance to lead the battle against concentrated power. We must seize that chance.

Justin Stofferahn lives in White Bear Township and is a public affairs professional who has worked on a variety of tax and economic development issues and is a member of the Minnesota Main Street Alliance leadership team.

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6 Comments

  1. As a very regular Amazon customer, it seems they are not as guilty of a product monopoly as a convenience monopoly: For larger item purchases I will look at several sources and pick the one I feel is best for my needs regardless of the inconvenience of determining the viability of the retailer and setting up an account: It’s a big purchase and I want the best value possible and Amazon must compete against all comers. If it is a $3.50 box of nuts (hardware type or edible type) Amazon wins through convenience: one click, a known resource for dependability, delivery options, timing, returns, etc…

    Legislating against this seems very confusing to me and I do not get how the enforcement mechanism is ever brought to bear. A ban on Prime? An example would be very helpful.

    Better yet, a tax policy that creates a more uniform tax burden on these giant enterprises and the recognition that companies generally:

    “Get the union they deserve”

    Satisfied employees in a fair and equitable workplace are not likely to feel the need to organize. Not the case at Amazon JFK8 for certain and the rest of Amazon potentially.

  2. While they are at curbing monopolies, we should think about manufacturing the goods they sell back here in America. If you want better paying jobs don’t look at “handlers of goods wages”, look at manufacturing job wages. Chip boards, oil, gas, precious metals, car parts, appliance parts, the list is endless. Curbing monopolies that move goods is a drop in the bucket compared to manufacturing goods.

    1. Oh, oh…

      Joe and I may be closing in on one of our rare points of being of a like mind.

      What he is describing is essentially tariffs and how they are assigned and valued.

      Seems a pretty simple proposition: list the characteristics we desire in a trading partner:

      1. Level playing field
      2. Respect for intellectual property
      3. Respect for territorial borders
      4. Respect for others electoral processes
      5. A cyber good citizen

      And so on….

      Rate each country on each criteria and out the other end comes tariff free trading to 1000% tariffs.

      Russia, see you later. China? Not looking so good for you. Canada, EU? We can probably work this out.

  3. It would be interesting to see what change such state attention to these issues might bring. Certainly, small town retail commerce has long become increasingly hollowed-out. When I was a kid, my small Southern Minnesota home town of perhaps 2,000 inhabitants had at least five hardware stores, four grocery stores, two pharmacies, three barbers, five restaurants (including one drive-in), several clothing stores, a movie theater, a bakery, a newspaper and print shop, and various other types of retail establishments. Now, it has far fewer or none of those. The town was also proud of its K-12 public school, and now it has no school at all.

    It seems to me that the regional concentration process has progressed to a point where the main sufferers of competition from Amazon are the regionally-sited big-box chain establishments that drew retail trade away from small towns. And the mail-order giants of yore, including Montgomery Ward, Sears, and J.C. Penney, are themselves barely operating or gone. What say?

    1. Your town, like my own town, wasn’t killed by big box retail or Amazon, they were simply another symptom of the disease. Those 5 hardware stores, 4 grocery stores etc.. were there to support an economy consisting of thousands of small family farms that no longer exists. The businesses died, because demand died. One can argue all one likes about the economy of efficiencies and consolidation, but the inevitable outcome of the shift toward those philosophies is the continuing shift in population dynamics we’ve seen for the last nearly 50 years. The exploitative business practices Justin details should be curtailed for any number of reasons, nostalgia for a lost (by choice) economic model shouldn’t be among them.

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