Former Gov. Jesse Ventura shown testifying before the Senate Elections Committee earlier this month.
Former Gov. Jesse Ventura shown testifying before the Senate Elections Committee earlier this month. Credit: MinnPost photo by Peter Callaghan

When Jesse Ventura speaks at the Minnesota State Capitol, people listen. And it is only partly due to the fact that he often speaks very loudly.

The former one-term governor remains a celebrity in state politics, and his appearances can draw crowds and attention. Such was the case earlier this month when he testified on an issue at the core of his political persona. Senate File 1827 would make it much harder — some say impossible — for a third party to achieve “major party status.”

Major party status means the party can automatically qualify its primary election winner for the general election, whereas minor parties must follow a process of signature gathering to place candidates on the ballot. Under current law, when a candidate from a minor party wins 5% of a statewide vote, that party achieves major party status and enjoys the benefits for the next two years.

But the bill brought by House and Senate DFL sponsors and supported by the chairs of both the state DFL and Republican parties would increase the vote threshold to win major party status from 5% to 10%.

During fiery testimony before the Senate Elections Committee, Ventura blasted the major parties and accused them of trying to stifle other viewpoints.

“If these rules had been in place back in 1998, the state of Minnesota would not have had a chance to elect Gov. Jesse Ventura,” he said. “I’m sure that pleases both of the parties because I believe that is why this is being done, so there can never be another Gov. Jesse Ventura. The people of Minnesota won’t be able to ‘shock the world’ again.”

Ventura in 1998 ran on the Reform Party ticket, a party that had gained major party status in the 1996 election when Dean Barkley won 6.98% of the vote as a candidate for U.S. Senate. During that same election, however, Ross Perot won 11.75% as the Reform Party candidate for president, so it would have had major party status by 1998 even under a 10% threshold.

Still, his plurality victory over GOP nominee Norm Coleman and DFL nominee Hubert “Skip” Humphrey was a surprise, one that Ventura said on election night would shock the world. 

Sponsors of the 10% bill point to recent struggles that the two most recent major parties — the Legal Marijuana Now Party and Grassroots Legal Cannabis Party — have had with their new status. As minor parties, party offices and active members have control over which candidates run under the party name. They lose that control when they become major parties when anyone with money for a filing fee can enter the party primary. 

In 2020, the DFL and some in the legalization parties complained that candidates with GOP leanings filed as legalization candidates to skim votes from DFL nominees. In at least one case, the defeat of once and future incumbent Rep. Brad Tabke was blamed on a questionable legalization candidate. (Tabke ran again in 2022 and won his seat back.)

In 2021, a bill with DFL sponsorship would have given a major party a legal path to challenge in court any “insincere” candidates. It went nowhere. In 2022, DFL and legal marijuana advocates launched efforts to convince legalization voters to support DFLers — rather than legalization party candidates — as the best way to pass recreational marijuana.

Now comes SF1827 and its House counterpart, House File 2802.

“It makes it much more difficult to do what’s called spoilers, to put spoilers on the ballot,” said Senate Elections Committee chair and bill sponsor Jim Carlson, DFL-Eagan. “There’s been a lot of mischief around the state, and it’s been more than one party.” House Sponsor, Rep. Luke Frederick, DFL-Mankato, called what happened with the questionable marijuana legalization candidates “shenanigans.”

The chairs of both the DFL and GOP parties submitted letters of support.

Ken Martin
[image_caption]Ken Martin[/image_caption]
“Certain organizations granted major party status lacked the structure to adequately vet or endorse candidates under their banner,” wrote DFL chair Ken Martin. “Candidates have been able to take advantage of streamlined ballot access even though they made no effort to raise funds or build campaign organizations.”

GOP chair David Hann said making it harder to be considered a major party under state law “will save taxpayer time and resources, minimize voter confusion, and improve administration of our state’s elections.” Hann also said because all major parties receive money via the state’s public financing of campaigns, “a higher threshold will help improve stewardship of taxpayer dollars.

Minnesota Republican Party Chair David Hann
[image_credit]MinnPost photo by Tony Nelson[/image_credit][image_caption]Minnesota Republican Party Chair David Hann[/image_caption]
In 2022, according to the state Campaign Finance Board, Legal Marijuana Now party candidates received just under $29,000 in public subsidy payments. The state GOP received $1.2 million for its candidates, and the state DFL received $1.1 million.

Both chairs said minor parties could still gain access to the ballot through nominating petitions with signatures totalling 1% of the vote in the last election for that office.

Secretary of State Steve Simon has not taken a position on the bill.

Oliver Steinberg
[image_caption]Oliver Steinberg[/image_caption]
Oliver Steinberg, one of the founders of the Grassroots Legalize Cannabis Party, supported the bill, saying the two legalization parties were “not ready for prime time” and were hijacked by mischief makers who had no connection to the marijuana legalization movement. Passage of the bill, he said, would mean “unprepared minor parties would be shielded from these types of fraud, treachery and sabotage.” He said he wished the bill would give the parties legal means to challenge candidates who file for office with affidavits that declare they have taken part in the party’s activities and will vote for their candidates.

Grassroots Legalize Cannabis failed to meet the 5% threshold at the 2020 and 2022 elections and is no longer treated as a major party. Legal Marijuana Now, however, retains that status due to winning 5.9% of the vote in the 2020 U.S. Senate general election.

Other minor party members were much less enthused with the 10% bill.

“I hope you guys are all proud of yourselves for putting this forth,” former Libertarian Party candidate Chris Holbrook told the House Elections Committee. “I’m assuming that’s why you all ran for office, to use the power of law to ban your opponents from running for office.”

Libertarian Party Chair Chris Holbrook
[image_credit]MinnPost photo by Peter Callaghan[/image_credit][image_caption]Chris Holbrook[/image_caption]
Of the concerns about the candidates who ran under the legalization parties, Holbrook said, “it’s pretty easy to get rid of the marijuana parties. Just legalize marijuana.” Libertarians, who have never gained major party status in Minnesota but have done so at one time or another in 44 states, still have a hard time qualifying candidates for the ballot under minor party rules he called “onerous.”

Chip Tangen said he attempted to run for secretary of state as a Libertarian but failed because, unlike what Martin described as the need for a “nominal” number of signatures, it is difficult.

“There are 201 seats in the state Legislature,” he told the House committee. “Since the year 2000, a total of 12 Libertarians have managed to claw their way onto the ballot through petitioning.” Parties must collect signatures in a two-week window in the spring, they must use legal-sized pages and signers must ink a pledge that says they will not take part in any other party’s process.

Cara Schulz, a Burnsville City Council member, suggested letting minor parties have conventions and then be allowed to place their nominated candidates on the general election ballot. But bills to reduce the odds of them making major party status were a means of killing competition.

“If you want to abuse your power to keep your power, just push this bill forward,” she said. And Phil Fuehrer, the chair of the Independence Party, said the bill is being pushed with anecdotes without acknowledging how difficult it is to reach 5% of the general election vote. Since 2002, he said, 101 candidates have run from 20 third parties, and just three have achieved major party status.

Richard Winger is a writer who follows election law nationally, especially how it treats access to the ballot for third parties. He said that while Minnesota is one of 21 states that makes a legal distinction between major and minor parties, other states allow third parties on the ballot without petitioning like Minnesota does.

“Minor parties cannot thrive in a system in which all of their nominees have to file difficult petitions,” Winger told the Senate committee. “And Minnesota’s petitions for independent candidates are miserable.” Winger also responded to sponsors’ claims that a 10% vote threshold is comparable to other states. Only two states match that total — Virginia and New Jersey — and only one is higher with Alabama’s 20%.

“Minnesota is already one of the most difficult states in the union,” Winger wrote in response to an email. “The Minnesota vote test for being a qualified party is 5%, but the median vote test in the 50 states is only 2%.  As one of the Libertarian witnesses said, the Libertarian Party at one time or another has been a qualified party in 44 states, but never Minnesota. So already Minnesota is unusually difficult.”

The House committee held the bill for possible inclusion in an omnibus bill. The Senate bill was approved by the elections committee on a party line vote. 

“You might have seen the letters (from the two party chairs) and thought this was a unified agreement that we came in with ahead of time,” said Sen. Andrew Mathews, R-Princeton. “That is not the case.”

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20 Comments

  1. Gee, seems like only yesterday Jed was puzzling over the doorbell sound at the mansion, Granny had her own hot tub endorsement and Jethro hosted parties for musicians that led to broken furniture. Straw hats off to Ellie Mae for being the only player with any dignity during the whole ordeal. How time flies!

  2. Holy cow, not a single mention of Ranked Choice Voting.
    Why on Earth was the most important aspect of spoiler parties and spoiler votes absent from this article?

  3. I’m conflicted on this because, frankly, our third-party options have mostly seemed like a joke to me. However, it doesn’t feel right to create more barriers to democracy. If I was the legislature, I’d punt this until they’ve figured out if they want to do ranked-choice voting or not, because that changes the implications of this bill.

    1. Tyler, I agree with your post.

      I would say that of this topic perhaps the reporters at MinnPost could look at this issue regarding all fifty states. Is there any notable accomplishment a third party elsewhere can point to?

      Stated another way, can someone tell me if my pursuit of liberty and happiness is being harmed by not having third party candidacy made more available.

  4. The Libertarians can’t reach major party status in Minnesota because almost nobody likes their ideas, not because they are unknown.

    There should not be two parties who only have marijuana legalization as an issue dividing their base in half. I have no problem with single-issue parties as a way to advance an agenda. Hurting one party with a single-issue party is a good way to get them to adopt your agenda. If they want to get major party status they need to merge.

    1. The Libertarians can’t reach major party status in Minnesota because too many people in Minnesota fear and resent their own freedom. The DFL has devolved into a single issue party (sex) and they claim that it’s why they won.

      1. “The DFL has devolved into a single issue party (sex)”

        As opposed to the Trumpian GOP that is just a sex party: Grab’em by the… And pay ’em off if trouble shows up.

      2. It’s good that you finally acknowledge conservatives problems with sex. I think running as the “no sex” party should really be a winner for you.

      3. Dennis claims to be libertarian, but also wants the government to crack down on trans people. He is clearly very principled in his political beliefs.

      4. I can’t even imagine what it would be like to try to organize a group of Libertarians whose sole purpose is to stop any kind of organized action.
        Meetings would require paying the attendees to attend like Trump does.

        I’d love to read an essay concluding Libertarians can’t get status, “…because too many people in Minnesota fear and resent their own freedom.” That sounds more than a little unbalanced. Too many Minnesotans resent their freedom?
        Crazy is something we’ve come to expect from MTG– not you.

        Your summary of the DFL values shows either confusion about “sex”, or a huge insult to the majority of your fellow citizens.

  5. So what are the DFL and the “R’s” afraid of? Appears to be the ability to corral all the voters into a choice of getting stuck with the crazy lefties or the crazy righties! A government for all, out of the question!

  6. Home run Jesse. We need more competition. But it’s much more than sports talk. Good ideas aren’t limited to two parties but governing may.

  7. The main problems that most seem to agree on — that the marijuana parties did not have enough structure in place to vet and endorse candidates and that this allowed rogue candidates to highjacked by mischief makers — aren’t solved by raising major-party status to 10 percent.

    The IP’s Phil Fuehrer correctly notes that 5 percent has an incredibly tough barrier. The marijuana parties cleared it because it’s a worthy issue that’s slowly gained support over several years. And now we’re finally doing something about it. That’s a win.

    At 10 percent, the issue would still be simmering as a minor-party concern that our two dominant parties wouldn’t be compelled to address.

    And a rich celebrity with statewide name recognition could make up a party and still garner 10 percent in a lower-profile race like state auditor and leave us with the same problems — but possibly with even less party structure than either marijuana party.

  8. Make the threshold 50%. The GOP has not acted like a major party since Arne Carlson was governor 30 years ago.

    1. Maybe you’re onto something here. If you fail to reach 40% in any state or federal race, you’re not a major party. Partisanship being what it is, we could end up with no major parties. I kinda like it!

  9. You want to avoid the “spoiler” element? That’s easy — implement Ranked Choice Voting. I wonder if this thought has even crossed the minds of those who want to raise the threshold to 10%. You could even do away with the entire petition process which is onerous in itself. You could even do it across all parties, and in the primary elections. Let people have real choices, and avoid spoiler candidates/votes by allowing second, third, etc. choices. When the two major parties have a choke hold on who runs for elections, we are left with the extremes of both parties and the resultant polarization which often leaves the government unable to get anything done.

  10. Binary representations inevitably fail to represent the nuances of humanity.

    For the entrenched parties, only having one opponent feels simpler. But it’s fundamentally ridiculous to presume that voters want all of one party’s platform or all of the other party’s platform.

    Speaking personally, I’m stuck with supporting the dems, though I don’t agree with their full platform. Problem being I support effectively none of the MAGA GOP platform. The system would work way better with proportional representation rather than what we have where party advocates drive candidates to extremes in the primary. It’s no wonder they can’t get anything done until there’s single party control.

  11. In business, marketshare is used to distinguish between major and minor players. 10% is a very generous lower limit for major. It works equally well for elections. No party is excluded from the ballot. Small parties just have to field candidates who get at least 10% to avoid proving they actually represent at least one in 10 people or get signatures. Otherwise they just are just spoilers and get candidates elected that most people don’t like. Of course, ranked choice s that problem. More effort to get cleaner results is worth it.

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